Will
Mufti be able to reconcile contradictions ?
A tight rope walking for the Mufti in his
new avatar
By conceding the demand for Chief Ministership to the People’s
Democratic Party (PDP), the Congress president, Ms Sonia Gandhi not only
displayed just political wisdom and maturity but also an understanding
of nationalistic needs and necessities. Had it not been Jammu and Kashmir,
the Congress would never have let the opportunity go to install a Congress
led government. But for Jammu and Kashmir, the situation demanded a difference.
The difference of political consensus, among all the players whether in
government (at the centre) or in the opposition, given the circumstances
prevailing in that state. 
Mufti Mohammad Sayed
Even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government would not have liked
to concede the government to opposition in the backdrop of the fact that
one of its constituents, the National Conference (NC) had emerged as a
single largest group in the assembly with 29 seats. With so many independents
having won, besides some NC dissidents, the NDA could have conveniently
managed a National Conference led government in the state. All said and
done, the NC government would still be counted as NDA constituent government
like those in Andhra Pradesh or Haryana and could have given it some consolation
at a time when it is loosing most of the states to the Congress. However,
it did not act under political or partisan compulsions, but surely in consonance
with the need of the hour. The national interest prevailed over the partisan
interest.
It is an open secret that the (PDP) led by Mufti Mohammad Sayed, a former
Home Minister, pursued almost the same agenda as that of the All Party
Hurriyat Conference with single exception that it did not seek secession
or the right to self determination. The demand for scrapping of the
POTA, disbanding the Special Operations Group (SOG) the most effective
counter insurgent force in the state, releasing the militants and unconditional
dialogue with the secessionists (read Hurriyat leaders) does not sound
in any way different from that of the Hurriyat agenda.
The PDP won 16 seats with the whole hearted, yet subtle, support of
the Hurriyat. The Hurriyat had its own interest also as it feared the NC
and its leader, Dr Farooq Abdullah the most. Dr Abdullah holds decisive
influence over the decision making process at the centre. Besides, for
all these years, whether in power or out of it, he has always pleaded India’s
case strongly at various national and international fora. He has always
been uncompromising on the issue of accession. He has always been asserting
that the Hurriyat leaders should be entertained for talks only as long
as they do not involve Pakistan in the dialogue.
Had the NC returned to power this time, Dr Abdullah would have enjoyed
all the moral, legal, constitutional and political legitimacy to deal with
the Hurriyat and other separatists. Because this time, nobody could accuse
him of coming to power after manipulating the elections, as these were
held in most transparent manner in total contrast to 1996. The Hurriyat
could no longer describe him as “New Delhi’s representative in Kashmir
and not the Kashmiri’s representative in New Delhi”, as former Hurriyat
chairman, Moulvi Umar Farooq would say. He emerged successful, although
to a partial extent only. The NC emerged as the single largest group in
Kashmir valley securing more seats than others put together. Nobody can
write off Dr Abdullah or his NC as far as Kashmir is concerned. Moreover,
it is the NC which has suffered the worst at the hands of the militants,
with hundreds of its cadres having been gunned down across the valley.
In fact it was the Jammu region, which failed the NC this time.
Now that the Mufti assumes the mantle of the Chief Minister in Jammu
and Kashmir, there is a growing hope that he may manage to involve the
Hurriyat and other secessionists in the dialogue to pave the way for finding
out a solution to the problem. One this is sure and certain, he enjoys
total support of the Hurriyat Conference and its leadership. Significantly
enough, while the negotiations were on between the Congress and the PDP
to form the government, the Hurriyat chairman, Prof Abdul Ghani Bhat issued
a statement saying that they (the Hurriyat) had great expectations from
the Mufti, obviously a tacit indication to the political establishment
in Delhi that they wanted Mufti to be the CM. And another senior Hurriyat
leader, Mr Javed Mir also corroborated Mr Bhat’s statement by welcoming
the Congress decision letting the Mufti to become the Chief Minister. These
factors weighed heavily in favour of Mufti, while negotiations were going
on between his PDP and the Congress.
The Mufti has a very difficult task ahead. He has to draw a balance
between the aspirations of the Hurriyat and other secessionists and the
expectations of the people who have supported him directly (the Congress)
or indirectly (the NDA government) to become the Chief Minister. Moreover,
he has also to confront the reservations within the Congress against his
being given the Chief Ministership. Most of the legislators have already
not just expressed displeasure and disappointment, but have threatened
a rebellion. It would certainly be a tight rope walking for the Mufti in
his new avatar as the Chief Minister, his lifelong dream come true at long
last after a long and hard bargain. Will he be able to reconcile the contradictions
he is riding on, only the time will tell.
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